Has a single google exec ever had a gun put to his or her head by a Chinese soldier? Have any been beaten or tortured in Chinese prisons? No. But why does that matter? Because google's decision to continue to censor search engine results in China is not in response to any early morning visits to Larry Page and Sergey Brin by jackbooted thugs, or anything of that sort.They are simply doing it for the money.
Think about it. If you are sitting at a computer in Peoria, IL and you want to find out more about Falun Gong you just bring up google and enter in Falun Gong, and almost 1 million hits pop right up. If you do a google search on Dalai Lama you'll get over 40 million hits. But if you are sitting at a computer in Beijing what you will see depends on google's latest zig in response to the PRC's latest zag.
In fact, it now looks like google is implementing double secret censorship. Outside of mainland China you can access google.cn, but it provides uncensored search results, despite the fact that this is not what people see inside China! Why can't google at least be honest and allow the outside world to see for ourselves the extent of their censorship at the behest of Chinese government?
It cannot be overemphasized that google is doing this completely voluntarily, and purely for "business reasons". That is the definition of evil.
Everyone should get and read Daniel Guerin's (1904-1988) detailed study Fascism and Big Business, in which Guerin shows how "At first covertly, then increasingly openly, layers of big business financed and promoted the fascist movements in Italy and Germany." [taken from Johan Nilson's review at Amazon.]Here's a brief excerpt from Guerin's book, on Fascist Education (taken from marxists.org):
And while fascism puts its adult opponents in a position where they can do no harm [imprisoned or dead], it imposes its imprint on the young and shapes them in its own mold. “The generation of the irreconcilables will be eliminated by natural laws,” Mussolini exults. “Soon the younger generation will come!” Volpe speaks lustingly of this “virgin material which has not yet been touched by the old ideologies.”
“Our future is represented by the German youth,” Hitler declares. “We will raise it in our own spirit. If the older generation cannot become accustomed to it, we will take their children from them. ...”
“We want to inculcate our principles in the children from their most tender years.”
And Goebbels asserts that as long as the youth are behind Hitler, the regime will be indestructible. At the age of four in Germany and at six in Italy, the child is taken from his family, enrolled in the militarized formations of fascism, and subjected to an intensive stuffing with propaganda. The dictatorial state puts in his hands a single newspaper, a single textbook, and educates him in an incredible atmosphere of exaltation and fanaticism.
This training accomplishes its aim. Although the regime in Germany has not been in power long enough to enable us to formulate valid conclusions, in Italy the results are tangible: “The youth can no longer even conceive of socialist or communist ideas,” Gentizon writes. A militant worker, Feroci, confirms this:
“A youth that has never read a labor paper, never attended a labor meeting, and knows nothing of socialism and communism ... that is ... what makes for the real strength of Mussolini’s regime.”
