Tuesday, April 16, 2013

Cornelius Agrippa on "Witchinge Magick", according to James Sanford's 1569 English translation of "De incertitudine et vanitate omnium scientiarum et artium liber"

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Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa's De incertitudine et vanitate omnium scientiarum et artium liber was first published (in its original Latin) in 1527. In 1569 an English translation by James Sanford (or possibly Sandford) was published in London under the title of The Vanitie and Uncertaintie of Artes and Sciences.

The word "Witch" actually only appears three times in the passage below (Chapter 44), and one of these is in the title. Twice "Witch" is used to translate the Latin "venefica", and once to translate the Latin "magas". While it is true that "venefica" is often (erroneously) thought of as referring unambiguously to malefic magic (and poisoning in particular), Agrippa makes clear that the "Witchinge Magick" to which he refers is often put to beneficial (or at least non-malefic) use, such as "charmed drinckes for love, and ... medicins ... whereby happy and fortunate childerne maye be begotten," or even to bestow upon a person the ability to "understand the voices of birdes." Shape-shifting is another power attributed, very prominently, by Agrippa to the "pocions" of the Witches, and in doing so he makes explicit reference to the celebrated Metamorphoses of Apuleius. And as Raven Grimassi points out in his essay My View On Italian Witchcraft, "It is among the Romans that we encounter common views of the era regarding the Witch [he is referring to those designated by the Pagan Romans as "Veneficae"]. The Roman poet Horace depicts her as calling upon the goddess Diana, and of working rituals and magic in connection with the moon. Ovid and Lucan broaden this view, and we come to see the Witch figure as a priestess of a triformis goddess: Hecate, Diana, Proserpina. I view this literary tradition as being rooted in actual forms of Witchcraft."

And now let us turn to the passage in question. You can read the original directly here: http://ebooks.library.cornell.edu/cgi/t/text/pageviewer-idx?c=witch;cc=witch;idno=wit005;seq=128.

Of Witchinge Magicke. Cap.44.  [De Magia Venefica]
There is another kinde of naturall Magicke which is termed, Witchinge [veneficam] or Medicinall which is done with pocions, charmed drinckes for love, and divers poysoninge medicins suche a one as Democritus is reade to have made, whereby happy and fortunate childerne maye be begotten, and an other whereby we maie well understand the voices of birdes, as Philostratus and Porphyrius do recompte of Apollonius. Virgill also speakinge of certayne herbes of Pontus, sayde: With these, o Merim, have I seene, ofte times a man to have; The feareful shape as wilde wolfe, and him selfe in woodes do save. Ofte times the ghastly ghostes to leave, theire deape graves grown with grasse: And I have seene the sowen seede. to place from place to passe. And Plinie saithe, that one Demarchus Parrhasius in a sacrifice of mans bodie, whiche the Arcadians offered to Jupiter Liceus, tasted the inwardes of a sacrificed childe was turned into a Wolfe, for the whiche transformation of men into Wolfes, Augustine thinketh that Pan was called with an other name Liceus, and Jupiter Liceus. The same Augustine doth recompt, that when he was in Italie, certaine women witches [foeminas magas], like Circes: when they had geven inchauntmentes in chéese to straungers they trásformed them into horses, and other beastes of cartage and when they had caried the burdens, that they listed, againe they turned them into men: and that this chauced at that time to one Father Prestantius. But bicause any maye not thinke that these be dotages, and thinges impossible, let him remember that which the holy scriptures do declare That the Kinge Nabuchodonosar was transformed into an Oxe, and lived seven yéeres with heye, at length through the mercie of God became a man againe, whose body after his death, Euilmoradath his sonne gave to the ravens to be devoured, leste at any time he might rise from death, who of a beaste became eftsoones a man. And Exodus sheweth many thinges of this sorte, of Pharoes Inchaunters. But yet of these Magitians or Inchaunters the Wise man speaketh, when he saithe: Thou haste hated them O God, because with inchauntmentes they did horrible woorkes. Furthermore I will have you understad this, that the Magitians do not onely searche out naturall thinges, but them also, whiche accompanie nature, and after a sorte do spoyle her, as are the movinges, numbers, figures, soundes, voices, tunes, lightes, affections of the mind and woordes. Thus did the Psilies, and the Marsies call Serpentes, other chased them awaye: in this wise did Orpheus with a hymne asswage the stormie tempest of the Argonautes Jasons cópanions: and Homer saithe that Ulysses bloude was stented with woordes: and in the lawe of the twelve tables a paine was appointed for them, that had inchaunted corne: so that it is no doubt, that Magitians alone also with woordes and affections, and other lyke thinges oftentimes doo bringe foorthe some marveilous effect not onely in themselves, but also in straunge thinges: all whiche operations they suppose to spredde adroade upon other thinges the force engraffed in them and to drawe these unto them, or to put these from them, or to give them vertue by some other meanes, as the lode stoane draweth Iron, and amber strawes, or as the Diamante and Garlike take away the vertue of the lode stoane: and so by this orderly and lincked composition ofthinges Iamblichus, Proculus, and Sinesius, accordinge to the opinion of the Magitians doo confirme that not onely the naturall and celestiall giftes but the intellectuall and heavenly also maie be receaved from above: the whiche Proculus confesseth in the booke of Sacrifice, and Magicke, to witte, that by suche consent of thinges Magitians were wonte to binde sprites. For some of them are fallen into so greate a madnesse, that they beleve, that with divers constellations of Starres rightly observed by distaunce of time, and with a certain order of proportions, by the consent of heavenly sprites, an image made maie receave the sprite of life, and understandinge, whereby he giveth answeare to them that will demaunde and thing, and reveleth the secretes of hidden verity. Hereby it is manifest, that this naturall Magicke sometimes enclineth to Geocie, and Theurgie, oftentimes it is entangled in the craftes and errours of ye devils of hell.

Monday, April 15, 2013

"I have keen perception or discernment." (1828)

From An Etymological Dictionary of the Latin Language, by Francis Edward Jackson Valpy (London, 1828):

"Sāga, a wise woman, witch. From sagio, (whence praesagio): 'I have keen perception or discernment.'"



Friday, April 12, 2013

Beneficial Witchcraft in John Trevisa's Middle English Translation of Ranulf Higden's Polychronicon (1387)

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In 1387, John Trevisa finished his (Middle) English translation of the Polychronicon of Ranulf Higden, a chonicle of "universal history" written in Latin a few decades earlier. In Trevisa's translation one finds multiple examples of the Middle English "wicche".

In one place, Trevisa translates Higden's "sortligeia" and "superstitiones" as "sortilege" and "wicchecraft". This is in reference to the much sought after magical ability that certain women on the Isle of Man were reputed to have. These women sold bundles of "wind" to sailors, and these bundles could be used to raise winds when and where needed during their sea journeys. This is found at the beginning of Chapter XLV. (You can check it out here: http://books.google.com/books?id=4Pg9AAAAcAAJ).

Amazingly, Ronald Hutton stated during a 2010 "research" trip to the Isle of Man that "in the medieval/early modern period people believed witchcraft as something nasty that human beings do to each other"! (see: Manx Witchcraft and Sorcery Probed by Academic, iomtoday.com.im, dated Jan. 21, 2010)

Witches As Healers in Piers Plowman (ca. 1370)

From: A "medicyne of Wordes": Women, Prayer, and Healing in Fourteenth- and Fifteenth-century England, by Stephanie Lynn Volf:

"If bodily illness could prompt emotional disorder of the mind, the Galenic tradition makes clear that corporeal distress could affect one's woul as well. This relationship will become important in the Christian West, since many emotions fell under the heading of sin (anger, jealousy, lust, etc.). Perhaps this explains why so many medieval moral treatises so carefully emphasize patience when suffering. A real fear existed that illness may lead to sin and damnation, as in the case of the character Haukyn in Piers Plowman. Haukyn complains that when his desires are thwarted, he reacts so emotionally that he falls into an illness. This sickness proves so resistant to treatment that he eventually rejects hope in Christ's providence and turns to witchcraft to alleviate it."
[p. 169]


From Piers Plowman, by William Langland:
'Ther is no lif that I lovye lastynge any while;
For tales that I telle no man trusteth to me.
And whan I may noght have the maistrie, swich malencolie I take
That I cacche the crampe, the cardiacle som tyme,
Or an ague in swich an angre, and som tyme a fevere
That taketh me al a twelvemonthe, til that I despise
Lechecraft of Oure Lord and leve on a wicche,
And seye that no clerc ne kan - ne Crist, as I leve -
To the Soutere of Southwerk, or of Shordych Dame Emme,
And seye that [God ne] Goddes word gaf me nevere boute,
But thorugh a charme hadde I chaunce and my chief heele.'
[13.330 - 341]

"Thou art so wise, people will take thee shortly for a Witch" ("The Captain", John Fletcher, 1612)

From The Captain, by John Fletcher and Francis Beaumont, first performed in 1612.

ACT I, SCENE II.

Enter Frank, and Clora.

Clo. Do not dissemble Frank, mine eyes are quicker
Than such observers, that do ground their faith
Upon one smile or tear ; y'are much alter'd.
And are as empty of those excellencies
That were companions to you ; I mean mirth
And free disposure of your blood and Spirit,
As you were born a mourner.

Fran. How I prethee ?
For I perceive no such change in my self.

Clo. Come, come, this is not wise, nor provident
To halt before a Cripple : if you love.
Be liberal to your friend, and let her know it,
I see the way you run, and know how tedious
'Twill prove without a true companion.

Fran. Sure thou wouldst have me love.

Clo. Yes marry would I,
I should not please ye else.

Fran. And who for Heavens sake ?
For I assure my self, I know not yet :
And prethee Clora, since thou'lt have it so
That I must love, and do I know not what :
Let him be held a pretty handsome fellow.
And young, and if he be a little valiant
'Twill be the better ; and a little wise,
And faith a little honest.

Ckr. Well I will sound ye yet for all your craft.

Fran. Heigh ho ! Fie love no more.

Clo. Than one ; and him
You shall love Frank.

Fran. Which him ? thou art so wise
People will take thee shortly for a Witch
:
But prethee tell me Clora, if I were
So mad as thou wouldst make me, what kind of man
Wouldst thou imagine him ?

Clo. Faith some pretty fellow.
With a clean strength, that cracks a cudgel well
And dances at a Wake, and plays at Nine-holes.

Wednesday, April 10, 2013

Et In Arcadia Ego: Romanticism before the "Romantic Period"

The "Romantic" period (beginning somewhere between 1750 and 1800) was obviously a turning point in the history of Paganism. On this point there can be no reasonable doubt. But it is essential to understand the continuity between so-called Romanticism and cultural trends that were already well established long before Goethe started getting his Sturm und Drang on.

In fact, over four centuries before Messrs Guillotine and Robespierre teamed up, or whatever other historical marker you wish to choose for the beginnings of "Romanticism", there was a great flourishing of pastoralism starting way back at the first glimmerings of the Renaissance. Although these two terms, Romanticism and pastoralism, are infamous for meaning anything, everything and nothing, we can say quite specifically that pastoralism shares with Romanticism these two essential characteristics ("essential" that is, for understanding the role of both pastoralism and Romanticism in Pagan history): 1. a self-conscious orientation toward and emulation of the Pagan past, and 2. an equally self-conscious orientation toward and reverence for Nature. Pastoralism and Romanticism also share a common cast of characters and recurring themes, including especially: Arcadia, Pan, Sylvanus, Faunus, nymphs, satyrs, shepherds and shepherdesses.

A very specific feature often associated with Romanticism, and with English Romantic poetry in particular, is classicism, and this is also a core feature of pastoralism. That is, both pastoralism and Romanticism take their inspiration not just from the Paganism of the past generally, but from classical Greco-Roman Paganism in particular (although not exclusively so). At the same time, one of the things that distinguishes the Pagan-centricity of Romanticism from that of pre-Romantic pastoralism, is that Romanticism does tend to be both more broadly focused on Paganism generally, and at the same time more specifically focused on more "indigenous"/"national" forms of pre-Christian religion, all the while still betraying a significant classical orientation as well. It is interesting to note that in the case of Italy, where pastoralism first exerts itself as a major cultural force in the Trecento, this distinction is blurred to the point of nonexistence due to the confluence of Italian nationalism and Romanophilia.

This post will not go into any great detail about specific examples of pastoralism, which will hopefully be remedied in future posts. For now I will just give the briefest of overviews focusing on a few early highlights, and then following that I will simply list a number of significant examples of Paganizing pastoralism in chronological order.

During the Italian Trecento, Dante, Petrarch and Boccaccio each authored important examples of pastoral poetry, taking their inspiration directly from Vergil's Eclogues (one of the classical pillars of pastoralism). Significantly, Sylvanus, the Roman God of the Woods (not to be confused with although often conflated with Pan), features quite prominently as the main character in one of Petrarch's Eclogues. The God Pan also made his presence felt in 15th century Florence. Lorenzo de' Medici himself composed a Platonizing Eclogue on "Pan and Apollo", and also commissioned the enigmatic painting "School of Pan" by Luca Signorelli. Poliziano and Naldi also composed Vergilian pastoral works dedicated to their "Magnificent" patron. Art historian Edith Balas has gone so far as to write that "Lorenzo, thoroughly imbued with the pagan spirit, founded a cult of Pan at Villa Carreggi, in which he identified the Florentine countryside as Arcady and his friends as shepherds." [Michelangelo's Medici Chapel: a new interpretation, p. 147]

A major event in Renaissance pastoralism was Jacques Amyot's 1559 French translation of Longus' Daphnis and Chloe. This quickly became a highly influenctial international literary sensation (and is now as much a fixture of French literature as the original is of Greek literature) and helped to increase even further the already significant popular interest in pastoral literature. George Thornely's 1656 English translation of Longus was based on Amyot's. It is worth mentioning that the God Pan is mentioned many dozens of times throughout this work. In Thornley's English translation Pan is mentioned explicitly fully 59 times, if we include Thornley's Introduction and Summaries.

English pastoralism dates back at least to  Alexander Barclay's 1514 Eclogues. Although not pastoral, Thomas Wyatt's 1530 (or so) poem, Mine Own John Poynz, is relevant because it praises Pan for surpassing Apollo in musicianship "many fold". But English pastoralism really only comes into full bloom with the ascension to King Edward's Chair of Elizabeth I (who reigned from 1558 to 1603). One of the more memorable episodes of Elizabethan pastoralism is the semi-legendary performance of the courtier/poet George Gascoigne when he, or so the story goes, delivered a verse oration to the Queen "clad like unto Sylvanus, God of the Woods," according to a contemporary account. Pastoral themes also appear in the works of Spenser, Marlowe, Shakespeare and many other writers of the day. This trend certainly appears to peak with Elizabeth and then to recede after her, although notable examples of pastoralism are still to come by writers including John Milton and Alexander Pope.

Below are just a few of the highlights of pastoral literature and art prior to the year 1800. Special attention is given to English pastoral literature, and especially to literature in which Arcadia and/or one or more of the Gods Pan, Sylvanus and Faunus play prominent roles. Many of the authors in question are far from obscure, such as Edmund Spenser, Christopher Marlowe, William Shakespeare, Ben Johnson and John Milton.

Some significant examples of pastoral literature prior to 1800

ca. 1319 Eclogues, Dante  (Latin)
1357 Bucolicum Carmen, Petrarch  (Latin)
1367 Bucolicum Carmen, Boccaccio  (Latin)
ca. 1465 Apollo and Pan, Lorenzo de' Medici (1449-1492)  (Italian)
ca. 1480 Orfeo, Poliziano   (Italian)
1504 Arcadia, Jacopo Sannazaro  (Italian)
1514 Eclogues, Alexander Barclay  (English)
ca. 1530 Mine Own John Poynz, Sir Thomas Wyatt  (English)
1554 Menina e moça, Bernadim Ribeiro (Portuguese)
1559 Daphnis and Chloe, French translation by Jacques Amyot (French)
ca. 1559 Diana, Jorge de Montemor  (Spanish)
1575 Princely Pleasures at Kenilworth Castle, George Gascoigne (English)
1579 The Shepheardes Calendar, Edmund Spenser (1552-1599)   (English)
1579 Endymion, John Lyly (English)
ca. 1581 The Arraigment of Paris, George Peel  (English)
1590 The Fairie Queene, Edmund Spenser (English)
ca. 1590 The Passionate Shepherd to His Love, Christopher Marlowe (English)
ca. 1590 Arcadia, Philip Sidney (English)
ca. 1590 Renunciation, Edward de Vere, the seventeenth Earl of Oxford (English)
ca. 1593 A Midsummer Night's Dream, William Shakespeare  (English)
ca. 1599 As You Like It, William Shakespeare   (English)
1600  Faunus and Meliflora, John Weever  (English)
1605 The Queene's Arcadia, Samuel Daniel (English)
1605 Don Quixote, Cervantes (Spanish)
1607 L'Orfeo, Claudio Monteverdi (Italian)
1608 The Faithful Shepherdess, John Fletcher (English)
1616 To Penshurst, Ben Johnson ("Where Pan and Bacchus their high feasts have made') (English)
1637 Et In Arcadia Ego, Nicholas Poussin (painting, French)
1645 Lycidas John Milton  (English)
1656 Daphne and Chloe, George Thornley's English translation
1667 Paradise Lost, John Milton 
1683 Venus and Adonis, John Blow
1709 Pastorals, Alexander Pope
1714 The Sphepherd's Week John Gay
1717 L'Embarquement pour Cythere, Antoine Watteau (painting, French)
1725 The Gentle Shepherd, Allan Ramsay
1728 Beggar’s Opera, A Newgate Pastoral, John Gray
1752 Le devin du village ("The Village Soothsayer"), Jean-Jacques Rousseau
1772 Arcadia, A Pastoral Poem, William Jones
1788 Morning Dream, William Cowper


Monday, April 8, 2013

Witches, Wise Women, William Shakespeare, and the Lambton Worm

Introduction

According to Euclid's "first common notion", "things which are equal to the same thing are equal to each other." This post examines two very different cases in which the same (fictional) person is referred to as both a "Witch" and as a "wise woman".

The self-evident conclusion that we can draw from these examples is that if the same person is being referred to as both a "Witch" and a "wise woman", then these two terms are synonymous, or at least they overlap significantly in their meanings.

An important consideration when applying the transitive property of equality in the realm of semantics in this way, is that one must be certain that the two labels are being applied not only to the same person, but to that person acting in the same capacity. Just because one person can be described as both a truck driver and an expert marksman does not mean that "truck driver" is synonymous with "expert marksman". However, it is obvious that "truck driver" and "lorry operator" are synonymous, because they do in fact refer to the same person in the same capacity, and the same is true of the phrases "expert marksman" and "very good shot". It will be shown in both of the examples below that the same person acting in the same capacity is referred to as both a Witch and as a wise woman (and in the second example, that of the legend of the Lambton Worm, she is also referred to as a "white Witch" and as a "sibyl").


The Witch of Brentford in the Merry Wives of Windsor

First up is William Shakespeare's The Merry Wives of Windsor. This play showcases one of Shakespeare's more memorable characters, Sir John Falstaff, who, having just recently arrived in Windsor, has decided to make his fortune by marrying a rich woman. The two women that our hero sets his sights on, however, are both married, which rather complicates the logistics of  courtship (which are already complicated enough by the fact that he is pursuing two women at the same time). Neither Mrs. Page nor Mrs. Ford has any intention of returning Falstaff's affections, but once they discover that he has written them both identical love letters, the wives decide to have a bit of merry fun with Sir John. Thus the title of the play.

Fast forward to Act III, Scene III, in which Falstaff believes he is having a secret rendezvous with Mrs. Ford. Suddenly, Mrs. Page "arrives", although in fact she has been there all along, and announces that Mr. Ford is on the way, and in a fury at the news of his wife's dalliance, which he has discovered. The merry wives convince Falstaff to hide in a laundry basket before he is discovered, and then they proceed to cover him in filthy laundry, and then they have the servants dump the contents of the basket into a nearby muddy creek.

The following day, Falstaff has once more been lured to yet another unsecret assignation, which is interrupted by the announcement that master Ford is once again on his way. Falstaff refuses to get into the laundry basket again, and so it is suggested that he disguise himself as the maid's Aunt, visiting while on errands, and in that way to make his escape right under Mr. Ford'd nose. What Falstaff doesn't know is that master Ford despises this particular woman, whom he is convinced is a Witch, and has sworn to beat her if he ever sees her again.

At this point it is important to focus in on the repeated use of the word "witch" to refer to the maid's Aunt, who is also known as "the old woman of Brentford". First, Mrs. Ford informs Mrs. Page, behind Falstaff's back, that her husband "cannot abide the old woman of Brentford; he swears she's a witch." A few lines later, Mrs. Page says, "let's go dress him [Falstaff] as the witch of Brentford." Then when Mr. Ford arrives and is told that the maid's Aunt is in the house he flies into a rage and declaims:

A witch, a quean, an old cozening quean! Have I not
forbid her my house? She comes of errands, does
she? We are simple men; we do not know what's
brought to pass under the profession of
fortune-telling. She works by charms, by spells,
by the figure, and such daubery as this is, beyond
our element we know nothing. Come down, you witch,
you hag, you; come down, I say!

At which point he begins to thrash Falstaff, believing him to be "the witch of Brentford."

Falstaff eventually manages to escape and retreats to his room at the Garter Inn, still wearing his "disguise". When he later exits his room, in his normal attire, he is questioned about his lady friend, who was seen entering Falstaff's room just a little while ago. Sir John is asked by Simple (a servant) "was't not the wise woman of Brentford?" To which Falstaff responds, "what would you of her?" And then Simple explains that his master has pending business with the wise woman, concerning the identification of a suspected thief.

Not only does all of this very clearly attest to the equivalence of "witch" and "wise woman" in late 16th century English (The Merry Wives was probably written around 1598), but in addition, the Bard was kind enough to provide us with very telling details about the nature of the magical services that the Witch/wise-woman in question provided to her clients. Mr. Ford says that the "witch of Brentford" was involved in "fortune-telling", and that "she works by charms, by spells, by figure ...".  Simple, on the other hand, states that the "wise woman of Brentford" has been contracted by his master for her ability to magically identify thieves. Very significantly, neither when she is referred to as a "witch" nor when she is referred to as a "wise woman" is there any mention of her using her reputed magical abilities to cause harm to anyone.


The Lambton Worm

Now let us turn to ten different versions of the tale of the Lambton Worm. This "Worm" was a legendary Dragon that terrorized the good people of County Durham until it was finally slain by young Lord Lambton, freshly back from the Crusades, Once Upon a Time.

1.
The earliest telling of the legend of the Lambton Worm on record appears to be the 1820  prose version attributed to Robert Surtees (http://www.washingtonlass.com/LambtonWormSurtees). According to this version, when John Lambton had already failed several times to defeat the Dragon, he decided to "add policy to courage", and, to accomplish this he "went to consult a witch or wise woman" and thanks to "her judicious advice" the young Lord Lambton was able to finally slay the Dragon. Surtees' version of the story was first published in the 1820 volume of The History and Antiquities of the County Palatine of Durham (see previous link). It also appeared later in An historical, topographical, and descriptive view of the county Palatine of Durham in 1834 (link), edited by Eneas McKenzie and Marvin Ross, and also in Surtees' Memoir published in 1852 (link). A very interesting but brief background piece on Surtees and the legend was published by The Northern Echo on march 24, 2011: The Historian and the Lambton Worm. According to the story, Surtees first heard the tale from a woman with the rather suggestive name of Sybil Elizabeth Cockburn. At the Herrington-Heritage.Org.Uk website there is even more background provided on Surtees in an article titled The Surtees Connection.

2.
In 1835, the story of the Lambton Worm was included in William Andres Chatto's Rambles in Northumberland and on the Scottish Border (http://books.google.com/books?id=jBcHAAAAQAAJ). Chatto's version also makes reference to "a witch, or a wise woman".

3.
Next comes a versified version of the story that appeared in Tait's Edinburgh Magazine in 1840 (http://books.google.com/books?id=tS0tAAAAYAAJ). In that version, titled "The Legend of the Lambton Worm", the woman who helps John Lambton to defeat the Dragon  is identified only as "a witch". This version also appears in Joseph Watson's 1877 pamphlet, The Wonderful Tradition of the Lambton Worm.

4.
Then in 1866 we find a version referring to a "sybil or wise woman". This one is found in William Henderson's Notes on the Folklore of the Northern Counties of England and the Borders (http://books.google.com/books?id=o2cAAAAAMAAJ).

5.
In 1867, C. M. Leumane came out with a popular song called "The Lambton Worm" and there is no mention of the Witch (or wise woman, or sybil) in the song's lyrics. (http://www.washingtonlass.com/LambtonWormSong)

6.
Yet another variation occurs in 1868 in the March 14 issue of the illustrated literary weekly "Once a Week", which was edited by Eneas Sweetland Dallas at the time (http://books.google.com/books?id=0RbnAAAAMAAJ). This version makes no mention of a "Witch" or of a "wise woman", but rather refers to a "neighboring sibyl". Interestingly, just two months previously "Once a Week" featured a piece on "Witchcraft in Devon", in which the phrase "white witch" appears numerous times.

7.
The same 1877 pamphlet by Joseph Watson mentioned above (because it contains the 1840 poetic version of the tale), also contains a prose description of the legend in which it is stated that Lord Lambton "consulted a Sibyl on the best means to be pursued to slay the monster." (http://books.google.com/books?id=gKoWAAAAQAAJ)

8.
In 1888 another version of the story appeared in The Monthly Chronicle of North-Country Lore and Legend (http://www.washingtonlass.com/LambtonWormLegend1888.html). In this version there is a whole subsection entitled simply "The Witch", describing how John Lambton sought out and received guidance from said Witch.

9.
A still later version of the story appeared in Baily's Magazine of Sports and Pastimes in 1895. In that 1895 version, John Lambton is assisted by a "wise woman", and there is no mention of a "Witch". (http://books.google.com/books?id=y5cbAQAAIAAJ)

10.
Finally, yet another retelling of the story appeared in the Gentleman's Magazine in 1904 as part of an article by Barbara Clay Finch on "Reptile Lore." (http://books.google.com/books?id=vOIIAAAAIAAJ) In that version, the young Lord Lambton is told how to kill the Dragon by "a notable white witch".


Conclusion

In 1584 Reginald Scot wrote: "At this day it is indifferent to say in the English tongue, 'she is a witch,' or 'she is a wise woman.'"  About a century later Henry More wrote in a letter to his friend Joseph Glanvill:
"As for the words Witch and Wizzard, from the Notation of them, they signifie no more than a wise Man, or a wise Woman. In the word Wizzard, it is plain at the very first sight. And I think the most plain and least operose deduction of the name Witch, is from Wit, whose derived Adjective might be Wittigh or Wittich, and by contraction afterwards, Witch; as the Noun wit is from the Verb to weet, which is, to know. So that a Witch, thus far, is no more than a Knowing woman; which answers exactly to the Latine word Saga ...."
We need not concern ourselves over the validity (or operosity) of More's etymological analysis, but only with his perception that "Witch" and "wise woman" are essentially synonymous.

The equivalence stated explicitly by Scot and More is demonstrated in practice by no less an authority on the English language than William Shakespeare, in his Merry Wives of Windsor. If these three data points were all we had, there would still be a strong case for the claim that the word "Witch" in the 16th and 17th centuries was not, as some have claimed, an unambiguous designation for malevolent workers of malefic magic who were hated by their neighbors. Rather, these three sources, and a great many more, all attest to the use of the word "Witch" to refer to workers of beneficial magic who were valued and sought out by others for their magical services.

Moving to the case of the Lambton Worm, we find that as the same story is told and retold over the course of 84 years, that the same character is alternatively referred to as a "Witch", a "wise woman", a "sybil" and even a "white witch". In many of the redactions the story teller goes out of his or her way to use both "witch" and either "wise woman" or "sibyl". Not only does this Witch play a very positive role in the story, she provides the knight/hero, who already possesses strength and courage, with the key thing that he is missing, without which it is not possible to defeat the "Worm". This missing ingredient is precisely that which Henry More cited as the defining feature of the "Witch": knowledge. It only remains to add that according to sources from Jacob Grimm's Teutonic Mythology (link) and Joseph Bosworth's Anglo-Saxon Dictionary (link), both published in 1835, up to the Dictionary of English Folklore by Jacqueline Simpson and Steve Roud, published in 2000: "The Old English word ‘witch’ meant ‘one who casts a spell’. Intrinsically neutral, it could be applied to those using magic helpfully." (link)

In conclusion there is no room for reasonable doubt concerning the meaning of the word "Witch" from pre-Conquest times to the 21st century. This word has from the beginning been used to refer to "those using magic helpfully", and there has never been a period of time over the last 1000 years when this was not the case. Those who claim otherwise are either ignorant of the most basic relevant facts, or they are engaged in a systematic attempt to misrepresent those facts.

Monday, March 25, 2013

"She was of the old way of mind [i.e. a Witch]" (1878)

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"Kona hét Þórhildur og kölluð Vaðlaekkja og bjó að Naustum. Hún var forn í lund og vinur Guðmundar mikill."

The above is a quote from the Ljósvetninga Saga (the full text in Old Icleandic is at the Icelandic Saga Database), which tells of the story of the chieftain Guðmundr and his descendants. In the course of the story, Guðmundr seeks the assistance of Þórhildur, who is described as "forn í lund", where "forn" means "old" or "ancient", and "lund" means "mind" as in mental disposition (according to Geir T. Zoëga's very handy online Dictionary of Old Icelandic).

In 1878, Guðbrandur Vigfússon and Frederic York Powell published their An Icelandic prose reader, with notes, grammar, and glossary. A note on the passage above states that "forn í lund" means "a witch, one given to the dealings of old days; lit. of the old fashion or mind, opposed to the new faith." Then in 1905, Vigfússon and Powell published a series of translations of Old Icelandic material under the title Origines Islandicae, with the Ljósvetninga Saga being translated in volume two of that series. Here is their translation of the passage in question:

"There was a woman named Thorhild, and she was called Wadle-widow, and dwelt at Naust or Dock. She was of the old way of mind [i. e. a witch] and a great friend of Gudmund."

What did Guðmundr ask of the "Witch" Þórhildur, and how did she respond? Guðmundr wanted to know whether or not "any revenge will ever come to pass for Thorkel Hake"? (Hake was a man that Gudmund had killed.) To answer her friend's question, Þórhildur donned fighting gear, and then waded into the sea slashing at the water with her battle-axe. She returned to report that Guðmundr has nothing to fear and that "thou shalt sit in honor all thy days". But then Guðmundr further asked about his sons. Again the Witch enacted a ritual battle with the churning water, but this time "there was a great crash and all the sea turned bloody", and Þórhildur tells Guðmundr that danger "will steer near one of thy sons." At this point Þórhildur says to Guðmundr that she can tell him no more, and that the effort has already cost her dearly.

So, to sum up, this is clearly a case of a "Witch" who is a good friend to the hero Guðmundr, and who is eagerly sought out by him for her ability to foretell the future. When asked to do so by her friend, she willingly expends herself greatly to help him with her magic. So, while this story comes from Old Icelandic, the fact that an English translator working in direct collaboration with a native Icelander who was one of the 19th century's most celebrated Scandinavian scholars and who, moreover, had lived in England for many decades already, chose in 1878 to refer to Guðmundr as a "Witch" is quite significant. In the first place it directly contradicts the three central tenets of Ronald Hutton's so-called "global definition of witchcraft", according to which a "Witch" is (1) hated by others, (2) malevolent toward others, and (3) uses her magic to harm others. Additionally it provides yet another example of the English word "Witch" being used explicitly to characterize those who resist Christianization and stubbornly persist in the Old Ways.






Friday, March 22, 2013

John Morehead's Mission

Before becoming a mainstream evangelical Christian, John Morehead was for many years a member of a Mormon offshoot group called  the Reorganized Latter Day Saints (RLDS), which changed its name to "Community of Christ" in 2001. After leaving RLDS/Community of Christ, Morehead became active in the evangelical "anti-cult ministry" movement, that is, in various efforts by mainstream evangelical groups aimed at converting members of "cults", such as Mormons, Jehovahs Witnesses, and so forth. These "anti-cult" groups also target western Buddhists, Hindus, New Agers and Pagans. Eventually Morehead decided that a new approach was needed by the "anti-cult" missionaries, and he began to advocate for an outwardly more subtle and nuanced style that, for example, ditched the word "cult" in favor of the more politically correct "new religious movement" label. But Morehead has made it unambiguously clear in his own writings that the fundamental nature and end goal of this rebranded "anti-cult" work remains unchanged: the furtherance of the Great Commission, that is, the conversion of humanity to Christianity by way of the eradication of all non-Christian religions.

Below is an updated list of some essential reading for anyone interested in the career mission of John Morehead.

Hidden in Plain Sight: The Mission Challenge of New Religious Movements
International Journal of Frontier Missions, 1998
"In 1993 I was privileged to be able to assist Jim Stephens [for more on John Morehead's good friend and mentor Jim Stevens, see "How to Witness to Buddhists"] as he served to prepare a special IJFM edition dealing with mission to Buddhists (IJFM, Vol. 10:3, July 1993). As a former member of a pseudo-Christian sect, and given my work as a Christian researcher and missionary to new religious movements (NRMs) after becoming a Christian, I was eager to someday explore the possibility of approaching a mission periodical about discussing the challenge of new religious movements to Christian missionary efforts. Thankfully, Dr. Hans Weerstra, the editor of IJFM, has provided us with just suchan opportunity."

The Watchman Fellowship: Morehead's former comrades in the spiritual war against "cults". Morehead joined Watchman in 1999, at which time the "discernment ministry" organization headed by Morehead, the "Truthquest Institute", merged with Watchman.

Why Sacred Tribes Journal? 1999
The lead editorial of the first issue of "Sacred Tribes Journal," coauthored by Morehead and Jon Trott, Philip Johnson. "The purpose of this international online journal is to explore ways in which to bridge the gulf between the disciplines of cult apologetics,contextual missiology and religious studies."

Tired of Treading Water: Rediscovering and Reapplying a Missiological Paradigm for 'Countercult' Ministry
paper presented at the annual meeting of Evangelical Ministries to New Religions, New Orleans, 2000.

Missiological Paradigms (2002)
Presentation to the annual meeting of Evangelical Ministries to New Religions
“Listening to the concerns of our critics [cults] …making changes in our ministries in light of any valid criticisms they may bring.”

Religious and Non-Religious Spirituality in the Western World ("New Age")
Lausanne Occasional Paper No. 45, 2004
"A provocative way of presenting the gospel in New Spirituality festivals is via tarot cards. John Drane, Ross Clifford and Philip Johnson have developed this approach. Understandably, most Christians will baulk at the idea because tarot cards have occult connections. To properly argue why tarot cards could be used as a device for communicating the gospel would require a lengthy paper .... At the Mind-Body-Spirit festival, Clifford and Johnson have created an innovative and incarnational method of sharing the gospel through the use of tarot cards. They note, 'We always indicate that divination from the cards is clearly contrary to Scripture, but that the classic A. E. Waite deck is full of biblical images.' "

Encountering New Religious Movements: A Holistic Evangelical Approach
Irving Hexham, Stephen Rost, John Morehead, published in 2004
excerpt from Introduction:
"Toward the end of the twentieth century, a new climate of opinion concerning new religions began to be expressed by Christian authors writing from different reference points in the United States, Canada, Great Britain, and Australia. Through various books, journals, and periodicals, they began to question the evangelical understanding of many new religious groups and movements, and the effectiveness of the dominant apologetic methodology in reaching their adherents. Many argued that the apologetic refutation of 'cultic' teachings had not translated into effective communication of the gospel to new religionists in understandable terms. They indicated that this impasse might be overcome through an interdisciplinary methodology that would include the integration of contextualized mission principles into the apologist’s task."

Insights from Communications and Missions for New Religions
A 2005 article by John Morehead published at the StandingTogether.Org website.
"The history of missions teaches us that the most effective evangelism takes place within the context of relationships. This may be one of evangelicalism’s greatest challenges as we face our need to move increasingly outside our evangelical subculture in order to develop relationships with our neighbors representing differing religions. We should also remember that these relationships need to be authentic and open, and not merely a means to the end of evangelism. Evangelicals might consider that not only do we have something to offer in relationships with those of other religions, but we can learn things of value from these relationship partners as well."

John Morehead on Ronald Hutton 2005
It turns out that John Morehead is quite a fan of Ronald Hutton. No comment.

John Morehead on Ronald Hutton 2007
Did I mention that Morehead is a Hutton fan?

John Morehead interviews Irving Hexham 2007
"Irving, it is a pleasure to be able to talk with you and to learn a few important lessons about religion in our global culture. Let's start with a little of your background. How did you come to the Christian faith, and where did you pursue your academic studies?"

☆ John Morehead interviews Karla Poewe 2007
"In your book you mention certain forms of Neo-Paganism played a part in the National Socialism of Germany. Of course, National Socialism and racist ideologies are still to be found in Europe and the West today, and there also seems to be an increase of interest in certain expressions of Neo-Paganism with emphases on racial and ethnic emphases. How are some forms of Paganism connected to the New Right today?"

Burning Man Festival as Life-Enhancing, Post-Christendom 'Middle Way'
An interview with John Morehead from 2007
"Perhaps our careful theological and missiological reflection on these aspects of Burning Man might be used by the Spirit to provide the seeds for the church's revitalization and renewed credibility in the post-Christendom West."

The Western Institute for Intercultural Studies (WIIS) (founded 2008)
"In the past I worked through an organization called Neighboring Faiths Project, but various circumstances have come together to result in a transformation of this organization into something new ... WIIS represents an expansion and revision of the work begun several years ago under the previous organization that have been transferred over to the new ministry. For some time now it has been my desire to help evangelicals and mainline Protestant Christians come to a new way of understanding the new rehttp://www.blogger.com/img/blank.gifligious movements in America and the Western world, one that shifts from viewing many of them as 'cults' to a broader framework that understands them as religious or spiritual cultures or subcultures. Within this context I have been pursuing a multidisciplinary approach to understanding the new religions, and have also been reflecting on the history of Christian missions and cross-cultural missiology as sources that can inform how the story of Jesus might more appropriately be shared with those pursuing alternative spiritual pathways." [from the Morehead's Musings blog]

New Religions, Subjective Life Spiritualities, and the Challenge to Missions in the Post-Christian West
By John Morehead (July 2008)
"One of the greatest challenges the Church faces in the modern Western context is the general turn away from interest in and involvement with institutionalized forms of religion, such as Christianity, and the corresponding move toward an inward and subjective expression of spirituality."

JOHN MOREHEAD and Friends: Wolves in Sheep’s Clothing?
by Carol Guffey February 28, 2008
This is a very interesting attack on Morehead by an evangelical who thinks Morehead is too cozy with teh Pagunz. That, of course, is perfectly predictable, and if that's all there was to it, this kind of attack would only serve to highlight Morehead's role as the "soft-cop" to the more typical evangelical "hard-cop". But what's interesting is the background the piece gives on Morehead's biography, and especially his trajectory from splinter group Mormon (Community of Christ, née RLDS), to ex-Mormon counter-cult activist, to the "more sensitive and holistic approach" of Moreheads current missionary efforts.

John Morehead on Ronald Hutton 2009
Did I mention that I have no comment on the fact that John Morehead is a fan or Ronald Hutton?

John Morehead on Ronald Hutton 2010
ibid.

Lausanne Issue Group on Religious and Non-Religious Spirituality Set to Meet in Hong Kong (May 2012)
"This strategic group continues to address the often-neglected missional challenge of new religious movements, alternative religions and emerging spiritualities in the Western world. After the 2004 gathering the group completed a substantial document on this topic in the form of Lausanne Occasional Paper No. 45 that was published in book form in addition to the electronic file on the Lausanne website. The issue group has also created a website in preparation for a mini-consultation in Hong Kong at the Tao Fong Shan Christian Centre 30 September to 6 October 2006."

Parallelling the Enemy?: A Consideration of the Pagan Countercult   August 08, 2012
In which John Morehead insists "I am not a stealth evangelist."

A Biblical Foundation for Interreligious Engagement
By John W. Morehead, November 11, 2012
"Years ago I was on staff with a major apologetics ministry that provided seminars for churches on various 'cult' groups. They used an approach to Scripture that is commonly found among Evangelicals as they encounter both "cult" groups (or new religious movements) like Mormonism, as well as world religions such as Islam. This involves a confrontational method of citing various biblical passages on important Evangelical doctrines in contrast with the teachings of a competing religious group. There are a select number of Bible verses that are appealed to as a foundation for this approach, and these include Jesus and his stern rebuke of Jewish leaders, New Testament texts warning about false teaching in the church, as well as Old Testament passages warning about false prophets, and the example of Elijah confronting the prophets of Baal.

"As I studied these passages and considered the broader framework of biblical teaching, I came to the conclusion that this understanding was flawed. Later, as part of the 2004 Lausanne Committee for World Evangelization's issue group that explored Evangelical responses to "cults," I became part of an international group of missions practitioners and scholars who had come to the same conclusions as I. It resulted in one of the more significant papers to come out of that Lausanne gathering."


Related posts from this blog: 
[The most recent posts are at the bottom. Most of the latest posts (marked with a "") are specifically concerned with Morehead and his immediate circle, while other posts cover a wide range of topics related to Christian missionaries in general.]


Also of possible interest: back in the 90s, Morehead was something of a "specialist" in Anthroposophy:
http://www.google.com/search?q=john%20morehead%20anthroposophy